82:T9dd,"Bertolt Brecht formulerade följande sats: "All makt kommer från folket. Men vart tar den vägen?" Jan-Werner Müller, en av vår tids främsta statsvetare, har använt en stor del av sin forskning till att söka ge svar på frågan." /Olle Svenning i Aftonbladet

"Det är en akademisk bok, men med en angelägenhet för debatten som få. Det Müller beskriver är alldeles nödvändigt att förstå för att vi ska kunna förhålla oss till det på ett konstruktivt sätt, för populismen, inte minst den högerpopulism som är den som har störst genomslag just nu, kan i förlängningen verkligen hota våra demokratiska samhällsskick." /Torbjörn Elensky i SvD

Populister överallt, till höger och till vänster, i Europa, i USA och i Latinamerika. Så ter sig det politiska landskapet i dag. Populismen drar fram som ett spöke. Men vem är egentlig populist? Alla som vänder sig mot etablissemanget, mot eliterna? Vad är skillnaden mellan vänster- och högerpopulism? Vad är "folket" - och vem kan tala i dess namn?

I denna högaktuella essä skisserar Jan-Werner Müller en teori om populismen som en otvivelaktigt antidemokratisk företeelse. Populisternas slagord är: "Vi är folket!" Vad de menar är: "Vi - och bara vi - representerar folket". Därmed stämplas alla som tänker annorlunda, oavsett om det är motdemonstranter på gatan eller riksdagsledamöter, som illegitima, oavsett med hur många procent av rösterna en officiell representant har valts in i parlamentet. Alla populister är emot "the establishment" - men alla som kritiserar eliter är inte populister. Populister är alltid antipluralistiska; den som motsätter sig dem och bestrider deras anspråk på att representera det "äkta folket" hör automatiskt inte till detta folk. Och när populister får tillräcklig makt skapar de auktoritära stater som utesluter alla som inte hör dit. Mot bakgrund av sin analys av populismen föreslår Müller olika konkreta strategier för att bemöta populisters anspråk på att tala "den tysta majoritetens" sak och därmed skydda liberala demokratier mot det populistiska hotet.

Müller kombinerar politisk teori och historia i sin skarpa analys. Med exempel från Europa, USA och Latinamerika spårar han orsakerna till populismens framgång i våra dagar.

Jan-Werner Müller är professor i statsvetenskap vid Princeton University. Han är författare till bland annat "Demokratins tidsålder. Politiska idéer i 1900-talets Europa".83:T473,

In this brilliant guide to modern European political ideas and thinkers spans the twentieth century, the author illuminates both the twentieth-century's ideological extremes and how Europeans built lasting liberal democracies in the second half of the century.

This book is the first major account of political thought in twentieth-century Europe, both West and East, to appear since the end of the Cold War. Skillfully blending intellectual, political, and cultural history, Jan-Werner Müller elucidates the ideas that shaped the period of ideological extremes before 1945 and the liberalization of West European politics after the Second World War. He also offers vivid portraits of famous as well as unjustly forgotten political thinkers and the movements and institutions they inspired.

Müller pays particular attention to ideas advanced to justify fascism and how they relate to the special kind of liberal democracy that was created in postwar Western Europe. He also explains the impact of the 1960s and neoliberalism, ending with a critical assessment of today's self-consciously post-ideological age.

84:T88a,1900-talet var ett århundrade av både fasor och framsteg. Det var också ett århundrade då politiska idéer spelade en synnerligen viktig roll. Den tyske statsvetaren Jan-Werner Müller, verksam vid Princeton University, analyserar i sin mycket uppmärksammade och lovordade bok "Demokratins tidsålder" de politiska tänkare som spelade en av avgörande roll för att legitimera både auktoritära och demokratiska styrelsesätt och institutioner. "Demokratins tidsålder" är en brett anlagd studie av det politiska tänkandet i Europa från första världskrigets slut till sammanbrottet för den ?reellt existerande socialismen? i Öst. Müller kombinerar skickligt idéhistoria med politisk och social historia och berikar framställningen med en rad biografiska skisser av inflytelserika men i dag delvis glömda tänkare. Inte minst kastar Müller nytt ljus över efterkrigstidens politiska värld i Europa genom att framhäva kristdemokratins avgörande betydelse som idéströmning och partipolitisk riktning.

»Globalt och historiskt är idén om politisk frihet och legitim opposition undantaget som bekräftar huvudregeln [...] Om denna undantagsidé handlar den tyske statsvetaren Jan-Werner Müllers briljanta bok. Hos en svensk läsare leder detta arbete tankarna till Herbert Tingstens mästerverk "Demokratins seger och kris" från 1933. Den pregnanta idéanalysen och perspektivskapande förmågan är lika imponerande. Skillnaden är att Müller skriver åttio år senare.» ?/Sverker Gustavsson i "SvD"

»När jag slår ihop boken har det där hänt som sker så sällan. En akademiker har skrivit så fängslande att jag har haft svårt att lägga ifrån mig skriften. Efteråt tycker jag mig ha begripit något viktigt. ?Det statsvetaren Jan-Werner Müller beskriver så väl i boken "Contesting democracy. Political ideas in twentieth-century Europe" är hur kort och delvis misslyckad den europeiska demokratins historia är. [...] ?Müllers perspektiv behövs för att begripa allvaret i Europas pågående kris. Demokratin är fortfarande ung och därmed bräcklig och ska inte tas för given.» ?/Annika Ström Melin på DN:s ledarsida85:T5dd,

Donald Trump, Silvio Berlusconi, Marine Le Pen, Hugo ChÁvez-populists are on the rise across the globe. But what exactly is populism? Should everyone who criticizes Wall Street or Washington be called a populist? What precisely is the difference between right-wing and left-wing populism? Does populism bring government closer to the people or is it a threat to democracy? Who are "the people" anyway and who can speak in their name? These questions have never been more pressing.
In this groundbreaking volume, Jan-Werner MÜller argues that at populism's core is a rejection of pluralism. Populists will always claim that they and they alone represent the people and their true interests. MÜller also shows that, contrary to conventional wisdom, populists can govern on the basis of their claim to exclusive moral representation of the people: if populists have enough power, they will end up creating an authoritarian state that excludes all those not considered part of the proper "people." The book proposes a number of concrete strategies for how liberal democrats should best deal with populists and, in particular, how to counter their claims to speak exclusively for "the silent majority" or "the real people."
Analytical, accessible, and provocative, What Is Populism? is grounded in history and draws on examples from Latin America, Europe, and the United States to define the characteristics of populism and the deeper causes of its electoral successes in our time.

86:T694,

'Lively. . . This is one of those rare books about a pressing subject that reads less like a forced march than an inviting stroll . . . A book that encourages thinking, observation and discernment' New York Times

One of our most essential political thinkers offers a vital account of democracy in the twenty-first century

Everyone knows that democracy is in trouble, but do we know what democracy actually is? Political philosopher Jan-Werner Müller, author of the widely acclaimed What Is Populism?, takes us back to basics.

In this short, elegant volume, he explains how democracy is founded on three vital principles: liberty, equality, and also uncertainty. The latter, he argues, is crucial for ensuring democracy's dynamic and creative character. Authoritarians, as well as Big Tech, seek to render politics (and individual citizens) predictable; democracy holds open the possibility that new ideas, movements and identities can be created.

Acknowledging fully the dangers posed by populism, by kleptocratic autocracies like Russia's and by the digital authoritarianism of Xi, Müller also challenges the assumptions made by many liberals defending democracy in recent years. He shows how the secession of plutocratic elites in the West has undermined much of democracy's promise. In response, we need to re-invigorate our institutions, especially political parties and professional media, but also make it easier for citizens to mobilize.

Taking on many of the most difficult political questions we face, this book is a vital rethinking of what democracy is, and how we can reinvent our social contract.

87:T5c2,Constitutional Patriotism offers a new theory of citizenship and civic allegiance for today's culturally diverse liberal democracies. Rejecting conventional accounts of liberal nationalism and cosmopolitanism, Jan-Werner Muller argues for a form of political belonging centered on universalist norms, adapted for specific constitutional cultures. At the same time, he presents a novel approach to thinking about political belonging and the preconditions of democratic legitimacy beyond the nation-state. The book takes the development of the European Union as a case study, but its lessons apply also to the United States and other parts of the world. Muller's essay starts with an engaging historical account of the origins and spread of the concept of constitutional patriotism-the idea that political attachment ought to center on the norms and values of a liberal democratic constitution rather than a national culture or the "global human community." In a more analytical part, he then proposes a critical conception of citizenship that makes room for dissent and civil disobedience while taking seriously a polity's need for stability over time.
Muller's theory of constitutional patriotism responds to the challenges of the de facto multiculturalism of today's states--with a number of concrete policy implications about immigration and the preconditions for citizenship clearly spelled out. And it asks what civic empowerment could mean in a globalizing world.88:T4f0,

'This lucid guide is essential reading' Guardian

From Donald Trump to Recep Erdogan, populists are on the rise across the globe. But what exactly is populism?

Should everyone who criticizes Wall Street or Washington be called a populist? What precisely is the difference between right-wing and left-wing populism? Does populism bring government closer to the people or is it a threat to democracy? Who are "the people" anyway and who can speak in their name? These questions have never been more pressing.

In this provocative book, Jan-Werner Müller argues that at populism's core is a rejection of pluralism. Populists will always claim that they and they alone represent the people and their true interests. Contrary to conventional wisdom, populists can govern on the basis of their claim to exclusive moral representation of the people: if populists have enough power, they will end up creating an authoritarian state that excludes all those not considered part of the proper "people". Proposing a number of concrete strategies for how liberal democrats should best deal with populists, Müller shows how to counter their claims to speak exclusively for "the silent majority".

*Updated with a new afterword*

89:T9f6,Populister överallt, till höger och till vänster, i Europa, i USA och i Latinamerika. Så ter sig det politiska landskapet i dag. Populismen drar fram som ett spöke. Men vem är egentlig populist? Alla som vänder sig mot etablissemanget, mot eliterna? Vad är skillnaden mellan vänster- och högerpopulism? Vad är ”folket” – och vem kan tala i dess namn?

I denna högaktuella essä skisserar Jan-Werner Müller en teori om populismen som en otvivelaktigt antidemokratisk företeelse. Populisternas slagord är: ”Vi är folket!” Vad de menar är: ”Vi – och bara vi – representerar folket”. Därmed stämplas alla som tänker annorlunda, oavsett om det är motdemonstranter på gatan eller riksdagsledamöter, som illegitima, oavsett med hur många procent av rösterna en officiell representant har valts in i parlamentet. Alla populister är emot ”the establishment” – men alla som kritiserar eliter är inte populister. Populister är alltid antipluralistiska; den som motsätter sig dem och bestrider deras anspråk på att representera det ”äkta folket” hör automatiskt inte till detta folk. Och när populister får tillräcklig makt skapar de auktoritära stater som utesluter alla som inte hör dit. Mot bakgrund av sin analys av populismen föreslår Müller olika konkreta strategier för att bemöta populisters anspråk på att tala ”den tysta majoritetens” sak och därmed skydda liberala demokratier mot det populistiska hotet.

Müller kombinerar politisk teori och historia i sin skarpa analys. Med exempel från Europa, USA och Latinamerika spårar han orsakerna till populismens framgång i våra dagar.

Jan-Werner Müller är professor i statsvetenskap vid Princeton University. Han är författare till bland annat "Demokratins tidsålder. Politiska idéer i 1900-talets Europa".

"Bertolt Brecht formulerade följande sats: ’All makt kommer från folket. Men vart tar den vägen?’ Jan-Werner Müller, en av vår tids främsta statsvetare, har använt en stor del av sin forskning till att söka ge svar på frågan." /Olle Svenning i Aftonbladet

"Det är en akademisk bok, men med en angelägenhet för debatten som få. Det Müller beskriver är alldeles nödvändigt att förstå för att vi ska kunna förhålla oss till det på ett konstruktivt sätt, för populismen, inte minst den högerpopulism som är den som har störst genomslag just nu, kan i förlängningen verkligen hota våra demokratiska samhällsskick." /Torbjörn Elensky i SvD8a:T694,

8b:T5f0,Donald Trump, Silvio Berlusconi, Marine Le Pen, Hugo Chvezpopulists are on the rise across the globe. But what exactly is populism? Should everyone who criticizes Wall Street or Washington be called a populist? What precisely is the difference between right-wing and left-wing populism? Does populism bring government closer to the people or is it a threat to democracy? Who are "e;the people"e; anyway and who can speak in their name? These questions have never been more pressing.In this groundbreaking volume, Jan-Werner Muller argues that at populism's core is a rejection of pluralism. Populists will always claim that they and they alone represent the people and their true interests. Muller also shows that, contrary to conventional wisdom, populists can govern on the basis of their claim to exclusive moral representation of the people: if populists have enough power, they will end up creating an authoritarian state that excludes all those not considered part of the proper "e;people."e; The book proposes a number of concrete strategies for how liberal democrats should best deal with populists and, in particular, how to counter their claims to speak exclusively for "e;the silent majority"e; or "e;the real people."e;Analytical, accessible, and provocative, What Is Populism? is grounded in history and draws on examples from Latin America, Europe, and the United States to define the characteristics of populism and the deeper causes of its electoral successes in our time.8c:T5fe,

A much-anticipated guide to saving democracy, from one of our most essential political thinkers.

Everyone knows that democracy is in trouble, but do we know what democracy actually is? Jan-Werner M ller, author of the widely translated and acclaimed What Is Populism?, takes us back to basics in Democracy Rules. In this short, elegant volume, he explains how democracy is founded not just on liberty and equality, but also on uncertainty. The latter will sound unattractive at a time when the pandemic has created unbearable uncertainty for so many. But it is crucial for ensuring democracy's dynamic and creative character, which remains one of its signal advantages over authoritarian alternatives that seek to render politics (and individual citizens) completely predictable.

M ller shows that we need to re-invigorate the intermediary institutions that have been deemed essential for democracy's success ever since the nineteenth century: political parties and free media. Contrary to conventional wisdom, these are not spent forces in a supposed age of post-party populist leadership and post-truth. M ller suggests concretely how democracy's critical infrastructure of intermediary institutions could be renovated, re-empowering citizens while also preserving a place for professionals such as journalists and judges. These institutions are also indispensable for negotiating a democratic social contract that reverses the secession of plutocrats and the poorest from a common political world.

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