82:T72d,Mary Kaldor's New and Old Wars has fundamentally changed the way both scholars and policy-makers understand contemporary war and conflict. In the context of globalization, this path-breaking book has shown that what we think of as war - that is to say, war between states in which the aim is to inflict maximum violence - is becoming an anachronism. In its place is a new type of organized violence or 'new wars', which could be described as a mixture of war, organized crime and massive violations of human rights. The actors are both global and local, public and private. The wars are fought for particularistic political goals using tactics of terror and destabilization that are theoretically outlawed by the rules of modern warfare.

Kaldor's analysis offers a basis for a cosmopolitan political response to these wars, in which the monopoly of legitimate organized violence is reconstructed on a transnational basis and international peacekeeping is reconceptualized as cosmopolitan law enforcement. This approach also has implications for the reconstruction of civil society, political institutions, and economic and social relations.

This third edition has been fully revised and updated. Kaldor has added an afterword answering the critics of the New Wars argument and, in a new chapter, Kaldor shows how old war thinking in Afghanistan and Iraq greatly exacerbated what turned out to be, in many ways, archetypal new wars - characterised by identity politics, a criminalised war economy and civilians as the main victims.

Like its predecessors, the third edition of New and Old Wars will be essential reading for students of international relations, politics and conflict studies as well as to all those interested in the changing nature and prospect of warfare.83:T617,

Why do politicians think that war is the answer to terror when military intervention in Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Syria, Mali, Somalia and elsewhere has made things worse? Why do some conflicts never end? And how is it that practices like beheadings, extra-judicial killings, the bombing of hospitals and schools and sexual slavery are becoming increasingly common?

In this book, renowned scholar of war and human security Mary Kaldor introduces the concept of global security cultures in order to explain why we get stuck in particular pathways to security. A global security culture, she explains, involves different combinations of ideas, narratives, rules, people, tools, practices and infrastructure embedded in a specific form of political authority, a set of power relations, that come together to address or engage in large-scale violence. In contrast to the Cold War period, when there was one dominant culture based on military forces and nation-states, nowadays there are competing global security cultures. Defining four main types - geo-politics, new wars, the liberal peace, and the war on terror she investigates how we might identify contradictions, dilemmas and experiments in contemporary security cultures that might ultimately open up new pathways to rescue and safeguard civility in the future.

84:T4e5,I vår globala tidsålder har krig ? det vill säga krig mellan stater i syfte att utöva maximalt våld ? blivit en anakronism. I dess ställe har en ny form av organiserat våld uppkommit, ett fenomen som Mary Kaldor beskriver som »nya krig». Dessa nya krig utgörs av en blandning av krig, organiserad kriminalitet och systematisk kränkning av mänskliga rättigheter. Aktörerna i detta drama är såväl globala som lokala, offentliga som privata. De nya krigen utkämpas i partikulära politiska syften och tillämpar en taktik av terror och destabilisering som bryter mot krigföringens erkända regler. De fungerar med hjälp av en informell kriminaliserad ekonomi. Politiska ledare och internationella institutioner har stått handfallna inför det växande hotet från dessa krig eftersom de inte förstått dess logik; de nya krigen behandlas antingen som gamla krig eller som utbrott av anarki. Mary Kaldor pläderar för att de nya krigen bemöts med politiska medel på en kosmopolitisk nivå. Nya och gamla krig är en viktig bok för alla intresserade av internationella relationer, freds- och konfliktforskning, politisk teori och statsvetenskap. Mary Kaldor är verksam vid universitetet i Sussex och vid London School of Economics.85:T534,

86:T734,Mary Kaldor's New and Old Wars has fundamentally changed the way we understand contemporary war and conflict. In the context of globalization, this path-breaking book has shown that what we think of as war - that is to say, war between states in which the aim is to inflict maximum violence - is becoming an anachronism. In its place is a new type of organized violence or 'new wars', which could be described as a mixture of war, organized crime and massive violations of human rights. The actors are both global and local, public and private. The wars are fought for particularistic political goals using tactics of terror and destabilization that are theoretically outlawed by the rules of modern warfare. An informal criminalized economy is built into the functioning of the new wars. Kaldor's analysis offers a basis for a cosmopolitan political response to these wars, in which the monopoly of legitimate organized violence is reconstructed on a transnational basis and international peacekeeping is reconceptualized as cosmopolitan law enforcement. This approach also has implications for the reconstruction of civil society, political institutions, and economic and social relations. This second edition has been fully revised and updated to deal fully with the implications of 'the new wars' in the post 9-11 world. In a new chapter, Kaldor shows how old war thinking in Iraq has has greatly exacerbated what is, in many ways, the archetypal new war - with insurgency, chaos and the occupying forces' lack of direction prescient of a different kind of conflict now emerging in the 21st Century. Like its predecessor, the second edition of New and Old Wars will be essential reading for students of international relations, politics and conflict studies as well as to all those interested in the changing nature and prospect of warfare.87:T72d,Mary Kaldor's New and Old Wars has fundamentally changed the way both scholars and policy-makers understand contemporary war and conflict. In the context of globalization, this path-breaking book has shown that what we think of as war - that is to say, war between states in which the aim is to inflict maximum violence - is becoming an anachronism. In its place is a new type of organized violence or 'new wars', which could be described as a mixture of war, organized crime and massive violations of human rights. The actors are both global and local, public and private. The wars are fought for particularistic political goals using tactics of terror and destabilization that are theoretically outlawed by the rules of modern warfare.

Kaldor's analysis offers a basis for a cosmopolitan political response to these wars, in which the monopoly of legitimate organized violence is reconstructed on a transnational basis and international peacekeeping is reconceptualized as cosmopolitan law enforcement. This approach also has implications for the reconstruction of civil society, political institutions, and economic and social relations.

This third edition has been fully revised and updated. Kaldor has added an afterword answering the critics of the New Wars argument and, in a new chapter, Kaldor shows how old war thinking in Afghanistan and Iraq greatly exacerbated what turned out to be, in many ways, archetypal new wars - characterised by identity politics, a criminalised war economy and civilians as the main victims.

Like its predecessors, the third edition of New and Old Wars will be essential reading for students of international relations, politics and conflict studies as well as to all those interested in the changing nature and prospect of warfare.88:T665,The terms 'global' and 'civil society' have both become part of the contemporary political lexicon. In this important new book, Mary Kaldor argues that this is no coincidence and that the reinvention of civil society has to be understood in the context of globalization. The concept of civil society is no longer confined to the borders of the territorial state. Whether one considers dissidents in repressive regimes, landless labourers in Central America, campaigners against land mines or global debt, or even religious fundamentalists, it is now possible for them to link up with other like-minded groups in different parts of the world and to address demands not just to national governments but to global institutions as well. This has opened up new opportunities for human emancipation, and, in particular, for going beyond war as a way of managing global affairs. But it also entails new risks and insecurities.

This is a book about a political idea - an idea that came out of the 1989 revolutions. It is an idea that expresses a real phenomenon, even if the boundaries and shape of the phenomenon are contested and subject to constant redefinition. The study of past debates as well as the actions and arguments of the present is a way of directly influencing the phenomenon, and of contributing to a changing reality, if possible for the better. The task is all the more urgent in the aftermath of September 11.

Global Civil Society will be read by students of politics, international relations and sociology, as well as activists, policy-makers, journalists and all those engaged in global public debates.

89:T6da,Miljoner människor lever under osäkra förhållanden i länder som Syrien och Irak och i stora delar av Afrika. Men de internationella insatserna i områdena ifråga är som regel otillräckliga och resulterar ofta i minskad – inte ökad – säkerhet. Flyganfall och drönarattacker har heller inte löst problemet med terrorismen eller minskat terrorismens attraktionskraft. Trots detta fortsätter den förda politiken. Varför lär vi inte av erfarenheten?

Mary Kaldor belyser denna globala säkerhetsproblematik med hjälp av begreppet ”säkerhetskultur”. En sådan kultur har både materiella och immateriella komponenter och är knuten till någon form av politisk auktoritet. Säkerhetskulturen strukturerar inte bara människors föreställningar om vad som är möjligt och rimligt, utan också karriärvägar och incitament – och kan därigenom bidra till att normalisera och vidmakthålla tankemönster och strategier som kan vis sig vara allt annat än ändamålsenliga på sikt.

Vi lever enligt Kaldor i en värld där olika säkerhetskulturer konkurrerar om utrymmet – under det kalla kriget fanns det i princip bara en enda och på nationalstaten baserad säkerhetskultur. Krig förs idag på delvis nya grundvalar, identitet kan till exempel vara lika viktigt som territorium. Men vill vi kunna förändra dessa destruktiva säkerhetskulturer måste vi till att börja med förstå oss på dem. Den här boken syftar till en sådan förståelse.

Mary Kaldor är professor vid London School of Economics och författare till en rad uppmärksammade böcker om internationell politik. Bokförlaget Daidalos har tidigare utgivit hennes "Nya och gamla krig" (2000) och "Det globala civilsamhället" (2004).8a:T4c7,

Mary Kaldor's "New and Old Wars" has fundamentally changed the way we understand contemporary war and conflict. In the context of globalization, this path-breaking book has shown that what we think of as war - that is to say, war between states in which the aim is to inflict maximum violence - is becoming an anachronism. In its place is a new type of organized violence which could be described as a mixture of war, organized crime and massive violations of human rights. The actors are both global and local, public and private. The wars are fought for particularistic political goals using tactics of terror and destabilization that are theoretically outlawed by the rules of modern warfare. Kaldor's analysis offers a basis for a political response to these wars, in which international peacekeeping is reconceptualized as cosmopolitan law enforcement.

8b:T6d5,

The terms 'global' and 'civil society' have both become part of the contemporary political lexicon. In this important new book, Mary Kaldor argues that this is no coincidence and that the reinvention of civil society has to be understood in the context of globalization. The concept of civil society is no longer confined to the borders of the territorial state. Whether one considers dissidents in repressive regimes, landless labourers in Central America, campaigners against land mines or global debt, or even religious fundamentalists, it is now possible for them to link up with other like-minded groups in different parts of the world and to address demands not just to national governments but to global institutions as well. This has opened up new opportunities for human emancipation, and, in particular, for going beyond war as a way of managing global affairs. But it also entails new risks and insecurities. This is a book about a political idea - an idea that came out of the 1989 revolutions. It is an idea that expresses a real phenomenon, even if the boundaries and shape of the phenomenon are contested and subject to constant redefinition. The study of past debates as well as the actions and arguments of the present is a way of directly influencing the phenomenon, and of contributing to a changing reality, if possible for the better. The task is all the more urgent in the aftermath of September 11. Global Civil Society will be read by students of politics, international relations and sociology, as well as activists, policy-makers, journalists and all those engaged in global public debates.

8c:T784,Begreppet »civilsamhälle» har en lång historia i det politiska språket. Det fick en renässans på 70- och 80-talet: dels i den östeuropeiska oppositionen, dels i diskussionen om de västliga demokratiernas problem. Efter 1989 har begreppet kopplats ihop med globaliseringen: med transnationella sociala rörelser och idéer om en global offentlighet, rättsordning och politisk styrning. Kaldor granskar den historiska utvecklingen av begreppet »civilsamhälle» och dess olika betydelser i dagens politiska debatt. Hon skiljer mellan fem olika versioner av civilsamhället, som också ligger till grund för olika försök att tänka begreppet i en global kontext: civilsamhället som rättsordning, som ett marknadsekonomiskt baserat samhälle skilt från staten, som en offentlighet med sociala rörelser som viktiga aktörer, som den frivilliga eller s.k. tredje sektorn och som en arena för strid. Kaldor står själv närmast förståelsen av civilsamhället som offentlighet, sociala rörelser och medborgaraktivism, men försöker syntetisera de olika versionerna. Civilsamhället är, enligt hennes definition, det medium genom vilket sociala kontrakt mellan individer och politiska och ekonomiska maktcentra förhandlas fram och reproduceras. Hon beskriver framväxten av ett civilsamhälle som inte längre är bundet till nationalstaten och undersöker dess olika aktörer och former av politik. I centrum för hennes uppmärksamhet står etableringen av en internationell rättsordning som kan trygga fred, säkerhet och mänskliga rättigheter och i ett avslutande kapitel reflekterar hon över detta kosmopolitiska projekt mot bakgrund av världssituationen efter 11 september. Mary Kaldor är professor vid London School of Economics and Political Science och leder dess Global Civil Society-program. Hon är författare till den uppmärksammade boken Nya och gamla krig, som utgivits på Daidalos.8d:T7b7,The essays in this collection boldly confront the quest for security arising from the social, economic, environmental, and political crises and transformations of our century. Joseph E. Stiglitz and Mary Kaldor begin with an expansive, balanced analysis of the global landscape and the factors contributing to the growth of insecurity. Whereas earlier studies have touched on how globalization has increased economic insecurity and how geopolitical changes may have contributed to military insecurity, this volume looks for some common threads: in a globalized world without a global government, with a system of global governance not up to the task, how do we achieve security without looking inward and stepping back from globalization? In each of their areas of expertise, contributors seek answers to questions about how we achieve protection of those people who are most insecure without resorting to economic, military, or mafia protectionism. Some have suggested that the turmoil in the Eurozone "proves" the deficiencies in the welfare state. This book argues that the superior performance of Scandinavian countries arises from their superior systems of social protection, which allow their citizens to undertake greater risk and more actively participate in globalization. Some suggest that we can address terrorism or transnational crimes through the strengthening of borders or long-distance wars. This book develops the proposition that such approaches have the opposite effect and that only through spreading the human security experienced in well-ordered societies can these dangers be managed. This book also examines how these global changes play out, not only in the relations among countries and the management of globalization, but at every level of our society, especially in our cities. It explores the potential for cities to ensure personal security, promote political participation, and protect the environment in the face of increasing urbanization.8e:T679,There is a real security gap in the world today. Millions of people in regions like the Middle East or East and Central Africa or Central Asia where new wars are taking place live in daily fear of violence. Moreover new wars are increasingly intertwined with other global risks the spread of disease, vulnerability to natural disasters, poverty and homelessness. Yet our security conceptions, drawn from the dominant experience of World War II and based on the use of conventional military force, do not reduce that insecurity; rather they make it worse.

This book is an exploration of this security gap. It makes the case for a new approach to security based on a global conversation- a public debate among civil society groups and individuals as well as states and international institutions. The chapters follow on from Kaldors path breaking analysis of the character of new wars in places like the Balkans or Africa during the 1990s.

The first four chapters provide a context; they cover the experience of humanitarian intervention, the nature of American power, the new nationalist and religious movements that are associated with globalization, and how these various aspects of current security dilemmas have played out in the Balkans. The last three chapters are more normative, dealing with the evolution of the idea of global civil society, the relevance of just war theory in a global era, and the concept of human security and what it might mean to implement such a concept.

This book will appeal to all those interested in issues of peace and conflict, in particular to students of politics and international relations.

8f:T679,There is a real security gap in the world today. Millions of people in regions like the Middle East or East and Central Africa or Central Asia where new wars are taking place live in daily fear of violence. Moreover new wars are increasingly intertwined with other global risks the spread of disease, vulnerability to natural disasters, poverty and homelessness. Yet our security conceptions, drawn from the dominant experience of World War II and based on the use of conventional military force, do not reduce that insecurity; rather they make it worse.

This book will appeal to all those interested in issues of peace and conflict, in particular to students of politics and international relations.

90:T75d,Mary Kaldor’s New and Old Wars has fundamentally changed the way we understand contemporary war and conflict. In the context of globalization, this path-breaking book has shown that what we think of as war – that is to say, war between states in which the aim is to inflict maximum violence – is becoming an anachronism. In its place is a new type of organized violence or ‘new wars’, which could be described as a mixture of war, organized crime and massive violations of human rights. The actors are both global and local, public and private. The wars are fought for particularistic political goals using tactics of terror and destabilization that are theoretically outlawed by the rules of modern warfare. An informal criminalized economy is built into the functioning of the new wars.

Kaldor’s analysis offers a basis for a cosmopolitan political response to these wars, in which the monopoly of legitimate organized violence is reconstructed on a transnational basis and international peacekeeping is reconceptualized as cosmopolitan law enforcement. This approach also has implications for the reconstruction of civil society, political institutions, and economic and social relations.

This second edition has been fully revised and updated to deal fully with the implications of ‘the new wars’ in the post 9-11 world. In a new chapter, Kaldor shows how old war thinking in Iraq has has greatly exacerbated what is, in many ways, the archetypal new war – with insurgency, chaos and the occupying forces’ lack of direction prescient of a different kind of conflict now emerging in the 21st Century.

Like its predecessor, the second edition of New and Old Wars will be essential reading for students of international relations, politics and conflict studies as well as to all those interested in the changing nature and prospect of warfare.

91:Ta0a,The war in Iraq brought global politics into the living rooms of ordinary people around the world in 2003-4. This defining event, which influenced the domestic agenda in many countries, may change the way people perceive power and the politics of power.

The Global Civil Society Yearbook shows how those perceptions can be shaped by the huge diversity of individuals, movements, NGOs, networks - and the ideas and values they represent - acting across borders and beyond national politics.

Now in its fourth year of publication, the Global Civil Society Yearbook is the standard work on the topic, essential reading for social and political scientists, activists, students, journalists and policy makers.

Global Civil Society 2004/5 adopts an unorthodox approach to major geo-political issues including oil, the Middle East and democracy. Yahia Said examines oil and activism, Mohamed el Said-Sayed explores Middle Eastern perspectives, and Heba Raouf Ezzat outlines a new multicultural approach to global civil society.

The emergence of what Mary Kaldor calls 'a new kind of global politics' has implications for sovereignty and democracy, which Global Civil Society 2004/5 tackles head-on. Hilary Wainwright identifies the conditions in which global civil society can strengthen and reinvigorate local democracy. In contrast, Kenneth Anderson and David Rieff question global civil society's claim to represent world opinion, arguing that the hotchpotch of environmental groups, feminist networks and human rights activists are merely undemocratic and unaccountable 'social movement missionaries.'

Global Civil Society 2004-5 includes a wealth of data on globalisation, the rule of law, NGO growth, values and attitudes, governance, civil liberties and a chronology of the myriad protests, conferences and campaigns that are the sinews of global civil society.

"Global Civil Society 2002 was a gripping read. Global Civil Society 2003 was stimulating, informative and authoritative. I am delighted to recommend this series, which fills an important gap in research on globalisation."

Anthony Giddens

"One of the great unreported events of the last decade has been the total explosion of nongovernment organisations in developing countries of the world. While I was shaving the other day, I looked in the mirror and thought, "Wow, I am an NGO!" I have always been interested in this, but I am more interested since I discovered I was one. And that's why I'd recommend this Yearbook."

Bill Clinton92:Ta0a,The war in Iraq brought global politics into the living rooms of ordinary people around the world in 2003-4. This defining event, which influenced the domestic agenda in many countries, may change the way people perceive power and the politics of power.

The Global Civil Society Yearbook shows how those perceptions can be shaped by the huge diversity of individuals, movements, NGOs, networks - and the ideas and values they represent - acting across borders and beyond national politics.

Now in its fourth year of publication, the Global Civil Society Yearbook is the standard work on the topic, essential reading for social and political scientists, activists, students, journalists and policy makers.

Global Civil Society 2004/5 adopts an unorthodox approach to major geo-political issues including oil, the Middle East and democracy. Yahia Said examines oil and activism, Mohamed el Said-Sayed explores Middle Eastern perspectives, and Heba Raouf Ezzat outlines a new multicultural approach to global civil society.

The emergence of what Mary Kaldor calls 'a new kind of global politics' has implications for sovereignty and democracy, which Global Civil Society 2004/5 tackles head-on. Hilary Wainwright identifies the conditions in which global civil society can strengthen and reinvigorate local democracy. In contrast, Kenneth Anderson and David Rieff question global civil society's claim to represent world opinion, arguing that the hotchpotch of environmental groups, feminist networks and human rights activists are merely undemocratic and unaccountable 'social movement missionaries.'

Global Civil Society 2004-5 includes a wealth of data on globalisation, the rule of law, NGO growth, values and attitudes, governance, civil liberties and a chronology of the myriad protests, conferences and campaigns that are the sinews of global civil society.

"Global Civil Society 2002 was a gripping read. Global Civil Society 2003 was stimulating, informative and authoritative. I am delighted to recommend this series, which fills an important gap in research on globalisation."

Anthony Giddens

"One of the great unreported events of the last decade has been the total explosion of nongovernment organisations in developing countries of the world. While I was shaving the other day, I looked in the mirror and thought, "Wow, I am an NGO!" I have always been interested in this, but I am more interested since I discovered I was one. And that's why I'd recommend this Yearbook."

Bill Clinton3c:["$","$L7d",null,{"state":{"mutations":[],"queries":[{"dehydratedAt":1793354324206,"state":{"data":{"pages":[{"requestId":"dbd17fce-3ecb-48a1-8b4c-ad6d6dbe4f18","total":{"value":34,"relation":"eq"},"rows":[{"entityType":"book","isbn":"9780745655635","id":111090,"score":2,"position":0,"book":{"id":111090,"isbn":"9780745655635","created":"2015-12-20T23:00:00.000Z","title":"New and old wars : organized violence in a global era","description":"$82","htmlDescription":null,"pages":224,"language":"eng","depth":21,"height":150,"width":230,"weight":413,"edition":"3","publishDate":"2012","authorNames":"Mary Kaldor","publisherName":"Polity","format":"BC","category":95,"image":"https://book-info.studentapan.live/image/9780745655635-new-and-old-wars-organized-violence-in-a-global-era.jpg","highResImage":"https://book-info.studentapan.live/image/9780745655635-new-and-old-wars-organized-violence-in-a-global-era.jpg/org","imageFile":"9780745655635","isRemoved":null,"views":19,"editionGroupId":842,"editionGroupState":null,"adsCount":39,"minPrice":175,"source":"book-info-service","minNewPrice":281,"varugruppCode":null,"isExercise":false,"inventory":null,"sellAsDigital":false,"editionGroupSearchEnabled":false,"reviewSummary":{"averageRating":4.5556,"totalReviews":9,"distribution":{"1":{"actualPercentage":0,"normalizedPercentage":0},"2":{"actualPercentage":0,"normalizedPercentage":0},"3":{"actualPercentage":0,"normalizedPercentage":0},"4":{"actualPercentage":44,"normalizedPercentage":80},"5":{"actualPercentage":56,"normalizedPercentage":100}}}}},{"entityType":"book","isbn":"9780230367876","id":147967,"score":2,"position":1,"book":{"id":147967,"isbn":"9780230367876","created":"2015-12-24T23:00:00.000Z","title":"Global civil society 2012 : ten years of critical reflection","description":"It is a decade since the debut of the landmark Global Civil Society yearbook. 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